Using ropes made of local reeds, the hides were tied to the poles creating separate living quarters within the main structure. Outside the tent-like structure, two large hearths had been built for community usage, most probably for tool making and craftwork. Each of the living quarters had a brazier pit lined with clay. Around those hearths, many stone tools and remnants of spilled seeds, nuts, and berries were found.
A 13,yr-old specimen of the wild potato, Solanum maglia , was also found at the site; these remains, the oldest on record for any species of potato, wild or cultivated, suggest that southern Chile was one of the two main centers for the evolution of Solanum tuberosum tuberosum, the common potato. Remains of forty-five different edible plant species were found within the site, over a fifth of them originating from up to miles km away.
This suggested that the people of Monte Verde either had trade routes or traveled regularly in this extended network. Other important finds from this site include human coprolites, a five-inch footprint, assumed to have been made by a child, stone tools, and cordage.
The date for this site was obtained by Dr. Dillehay with the use of radiocarbon dating of charcoal and bone found within the site. In the May 9, issue of Science , a team reported that they identified nine species of seaweed and marine algae recovered from hearths and other areas in the ancient settlement.
The seaweed samples were directly dated between 14, to 13, years ago, confirming that MV-II was occupied more than 1, years earlier than any other reliably dated human settlements in the Americas.
MV-I has been reportedly radiocarbon dated to 33, years before present, but like other sites with reported extremely early dates such as the Topper site in South Carolina, this deeper layer find remains controversial. The only human settlement site in Southern Chile of comparable age to Monte Verde is Pilauco Bajo dated to 12,—11, years before present. Further south lies the Pali Aike Crater lava tube dated to 14,—10, years before present.
Among the lithic tools recovered were round rocks the size of an egg, some of which could be useful as stones of a sling or bolas and a spike- shaped extended cylindrical stone that could have been used for drilling.
Other recovered items included an odd stone devices with sheet shapes, including a nucleus and a chopper and two long lanceolate tip projectiles, similar to those known as El Jobo projectile tips found in the early scopes of Venezuela. Rick Gore, of National Geographic, reported mammoth carvings in ivory dating between 12, and 14, years ago were found in bogs near Monte Verde, Chile in the s. Since these artifacts were found so far from the Bering Strait the route believed to have been taken by the first Americans , scientists believe that first people to migrate out of Asia arrived in Alaska perhaps 20, years ago.
If they arrived later than that, they made their way down the west coast of the Americas to Chile relatively quickly. Guitarrero Cave is a rockshelter in the Ancash region of Peru, where human occupations date to approximately 12, years ago. Fortuitous preservation has allowed researchers to collect textiles from the cave, dated to the Pre-Clovis component. Wooden artifacts included a lance tip, digging sticks, three handles with scrapers mounted on them and three mortars.
Timber was used in the construction of two different types of structures that were located in two different areas of the site. Small tree trunks were used to form the base of rectangular houses and thick rudely cut planks were arranged on the floor.
The wooden framing was held in place with stakes. Vertical stems were placed every meter to frame the housing structure. In some of the fallen wood, traces of animal fur were found, suggesting that leather had covered the structure walls. The structures measured between 3 to 4. Inside the big tent, the 12 excavated rooms were joined on the sides and arranged in 2 parallel rows or lines.
Within the structures were tools, plant remains and superficial or shallow impressions that were covered with clay that were used as fire pits as they still had evidences of fire residue.
Apparently, the kitchen was a communal activity and took place around two big fires. Separate and isolated from the rest of the structures was a very different type of structure located to the west end of the site. This U-shaped structure had a foundation of compacted sand and gravel.
Vertical timber pieces or fragments were placed every half meter throughout both arms of the structure providing a wooden frame on which to fasten a leather coating or cover. A small platform protruded from the rear of the structure giving in more of a Y shape. The platform was approximately 3 meters wide and 4 meters long. The open front of the structure faced a small cleared area containing small hearths covered with clay.
The clearing contained bits of animal fur, cane shafts and burnt seeds as well as various species of medicinal plants that were also burned. In the surrounding area of the structure and the yard was a hearth, timber piles, tools, medicinal plants and bones, including most of the mastodon remains found in the site.
The site also yielded several human coprolites or ancient fecal material. It seemed obvious that the opening of the structure had been the focus or centre for special activities including hunting or a ritual celebrations, the preparation of medicinal herbs and maybe, the practice of the Shamanic cures. The structure was situated toward the front of another long structure that seemed to serve as the center for special social activities about which we know very little.
In summary, the overall appearance of the site and its structures was characterized by a network of timber foundations that outlined the external and internal walls of the tent, including in situ wedges and stakes and their supporting ropes and rush knots. The second structure was the foundation of the U or Y shaped structure formed by hardened gravel and sand where wooden planks that had supported the roof were fastened in an East West direction and with the door to the east. The people of Monte Verde nomadically followed and hunted mastodons.
They also hunted Camel and other minor animals. The collection of plants was equal to or more important that their hunting practices. Wood charcoal from the hearths, when tested, returned an average date of slightly more than 14, years ago.
Dillehay has continued to work at the site, showing that the people of Monte Verde were not just big-game hunters. They also appeared to have used 10 different species of seaweed from the Pacific coast—a little more than 50 miles west of the site—for both food and medicine. In another section of the site, at a level below the spot where the tentlike living quarters sit, Dillehay found 26 stones.
At least six appear to be man-made artifacts, and one has burn marks. There are also burned patches of ground, but he is hesitant to call these hearths. Dates returned from this evidence suggest that there may have been people at Monte Verde 15, years earlier than previously believed. Digging at Halloween's birthplace, superstition in the Virgin Islands, new paintings at Angkor Wat, and how materials scientists are using ancient Chinese pottery.
Low-energy, probably rainwater, runoff during the summer months removed much of the lighter pumice see Texts B and C in S1 File , leaving the thin crystal deposits of pumice across elevated areas between drainage channels.
Warm summer temperatures aided the precipitation of iron hydroxide colloids on the tephra, preserving the thin orange lenses upon which past humans camped and left behind the cultural features and artifacts see S2 and S3 Figs. The presence of these lenses, twelve of which contain cultural features and artifacts, attest to their stability and integrity and to minimal impact by surface modification due to flooding at the time of or after their deposition and later by other potential disturbances e.
There is some evidence of solifluction but none directly documented with the features and cultural materials. The research team, composed of several geomorphologists, sedimentologists, geoarchaeologists and volcanologists, was acutely aware of the various dynamic processes that could have produced important modifications in the stratigraphy, context, and structure of the archaeological materials in this early sandur environment.
As a result, the team was very cautious in employing detailed geo-archaeological and geological measures to detect any taphonomic disturbances caused by natural or other processes. Yet, we discovered no mixed stratigraphic levels in the archaeological contexts, no subsequent natural retouch and water or wind patina on the edges of artifacts, and no frost shattering of bone remains. We identified limited fluidization and minor stratigraphic disturbance in two excavation units e.
There also was no regularity in the strike and dip of elongated bone and stone materials to suggest fluvial, rootlet or other disturbance.
All bone and stone artifacts were in horizontal positions, with their longitudinal axes oriented in different directions. Furthermore, there are no artifacts that are slope-oriented because the sandur plain in the study area is relatively flat. All ash and flecks of charcoal are embedded horizontally in the features, are the result of burned plant material, and are different from and rest on or embedded in the thin pumice lapilli lenses. However, we found no hard evidence for moderate to heavy disturbance.
The majority of the features are intact and in situ. It is most probable that more extensive excavation will reveal more horizons across the buried plain. The intactness of the horizons is also suggested by the tephra, micro-stratigraphic, magnetic, other sedimentological, and luminescence studies presented in the Texts C-E and Text G in S1 File. Intactness probably was facilitated by the location of features and artifacts on the slightly higher, uneroded surfaces between the narrow and shallow water channels of the braided system and by rapid growth of grass and other vegetation over and around these features during warm months.
Several species of grasses were identified by pollen and phytolith analyses of the burned features see Text F in S1 File , which suggest the use of these features during warm seasons. It also is likely that good preservation of the documented archaeological materials resulted from over-ridding deposits from low-energy debris flow [ 36 , 37 ], which was non-erosive on the strata on which they spread and on which the cultural materials were deposited. In situ burning of the features is indicated by a light pinkish gray discoloration 2.
Other worked lithics were within a few centimeters of and on the same horizontal surface as the features and bones. The majority of the lithics have specks of charcoal powder embedded in micro-fissures suggesting direct association with the features. These associations also suggest the intactness and human intervention of the features.
Nine radiocarbon dates were obtained from single pieces of charcoal and from animal bone fragments in the spatially discrete burned features and reported at the A date of 10,—10, cal BP on wood charcoal in the basal level of stratum MV-4 in Unit 6, site CH-1, was associated with a Paijan-like projectile point see discussion below.
Two assays were from the MV-7 stratum in site CH-I: a date of 14,—14, cal BP was assayed on wood charcoal from the buried surface of stratum MV-7 in Unit 5 and associated with a percussion flake; and a previous date of 15,—14, cal BP was processed on wood charcoal in the upper level of stratum MV-7 in Unit 5 and also associated with percussion flakes [ 13 , 14 ]. Both the prior and recent dates from CH-I agree stratigraphically and chronologically with those from the MV-II site [ 13 , 14 , 25 , 34 , 35 ].
Six recently processed dates were from the upper to lower middle levels of stratum MV-7 in different excavation units of the MV-I site: 13,—13, cal BP was assayed on collagen in an unburned bone fragment from a burned feature No.
It is significant that all new radiocarbon assays date specific features with associated cultural materials and agree stratigraphically with the prior radiocarbon dates on cultural and non-cultural levels in the MV-I site [ 14 , 35 ] see Table 1. Six additional samples of bone and sediments from three burned and unburned features in Units 45 A , 55, 56, 57 and 82 at MV-I were submitted for radiocarbon dating i.
Scattered flecks were recovered beyond the outer edges of these features, but they were not dated because they were not securely embedded in the formal structure and sediment of the features. We had expected these samples to date roughly between 18, and 14, cal BP, given their varying depths between 1.
Group 5f pebble flake tool of basalt showing multiple percussion facets; c. Round Smooth possible sling stone of andesite, note the dull matte finish; d. Group 5f pebble flake tool of rhyolite worked edge at the bottom, arrow shows percussion facet ; e. Group 5f pebble flake tool of basalt, note the striking platform and bulb of percussion at top [arrow]; g.
Exotic discoid manuport of unknown raw material probably from a beach of the Pacific Ocean; h. Group 5f knapped core of andesite with multiple percussion flake scars; i. Group 5f flake tool of basalt, note the striking platform and bulb of percussion [arrow]; j. Group 5f flaked tool of basalt, note the striking platform [arrow] see S1 and S2 Tables for more details and S7 Fig for drawings of selected lithics.
A dubious association of one percussion flake of basalt, another flake, and a non-feature scatter of charcoal was recorded at a deeper level 1. These lithics were not associated with a feature and datable material. Previously, peat balls at the 1.
A fragment of animal skin in a peat ball at the 2. This date generally agrees with a measure of 42, BP on a previously 14 C assayed peat ball at the 1.
The data from these deeper levels are still too meager and inconclusive to determine whether they represent human activity or indeterminate natural features. At present, the latter case is perhaps more feasible, given that there is presently no convincing archaeological or other data to substantiate a human presence in South America prior to 20, years ago.
All charcoal dates were derived from burned plant stems and single pieces of wood. An attempt was made to identify the species of the stems but to no avail due to their small size.
However, the stems are likely from small bushes or edible plant remains e. The dated wood charcoals were identified as relatively short-lived Nothofagus sp. Dating old wood at sites in the Monte Verde area is not a problem for two reasons.
First, an abundant supply and wide variety of trees were always available during the time periods discussed here. And second, wood rots quickly in the humid setting of the Northern Patagonian and Temperate Rainforest environments, making it culturally useless after a few years.
Only the lifespan of the trees, which is relatively short in this case, can be contributed to old wood problems. All luminescence dated samples were taken from a profile section in Unit 45 A in the MV-I site, from profile sections in test pits in the MV-II site, and from the present-day bank of the Chinchihuapi Creek.
As discussed above and demonstrated by tephra, micromorphological, magnetic, and luminescence studies Texts C-E and Text G in S1 File , there is no bioturbation or other disturbances in any of the excavated units, which might have affected the integrity of the luminescence ages. The deposits selected for luminescence dating were mainly composed of poorly to moderately well-sorted, medium to very coarse subangular sand with occasional thin lenses of small gravel. Some sand beds show soft-sediment deformation structures, but these were avoided for luminescence sampling.
The sands are composed of quartz, feldspar and lithic polymineralic grains. The optically stimulated luminescence of quartz and infrared stimulated luminescence IRSL of K-rich feldspar concentrates were the most feasible signals for dating the Monte Verde sediments.
Detailed explanations of the luminescence dating methods and results are in the Text G in S1 File. The most significant deviations occurred around 30, to 20, years ago, correlating roughly with the second Llanquihue glacial advance reported for this period [ 31 ]. The cultural materials rested on and were embedded in the buried surface of the MV-7 stratum, which was covered and sealed by the overlying non-cultural MV-5 peat layer.
Thus, the sequence of OSL assays in both the MV-I and MV-II sites not only correctly places the stratigraphic location of the MV-II occupation around 14, years ago [ 14 , 34 , 35 ], but also indicates that any cultural materials buried below the upper level of stratum MV-7 across the sandur plain date earlier than 15, years ago. The present lithic sample of thirty-nine stones is a small but significant addition to the previously reported MV-I and MV-II assemblages particularly as regards the added contextual and chronometric evidence.
Percussion flaking of both local and exotic stones is well represented throughout the temporal span of the new evidence.
Expediency in material selection and in the limited modification of individual pieces prevails as it did in the previously reported MV-I and most of the MV-II assemblages [ 30 , 43 ]. There is not a robust protocol for the analysis of most of the stone artifact forms from these sites, particularly the issue of distinguishing cultural from natural objects.
Size is indicated by measurement of the three primary axes in millimeters using sliding calipers. Central to this analysis is comparison of stone morphologies and sizes to naturally occurring forms in the geologic deposits in and near the sites as reported previously; the local deposits occur as fluvioglacial and airborne volcanic clastic fill in a deep graben and include no bedrock outcrops, so they offer limited choices for tool stones.
Stones are considered to be exotic manuports if their geologic sources are outside of the sandur plain and the project area. The artifacts in these assemblages are closely similar to those previously reported as two assemblages, MV-I and MV-II, but the present evidence suggests that a more complex and prolonged cultural history transpired in this locality [ 30 , 43 ].
This assemblage is comprised of a clear culturally produced core of unknown raw material Fig 6h and S6c Fig show the reverse multi-flaked side , five human-struck percussion flakes of basalt e. Arrows indicate inferred direction of force and point of impact of the blow that detached this piece.
Evidence for clear human-derived percussion flaking appears in all four assemblages and occurs primarily as local basalts and andesites, but the exotic serpentine Fig 8 , unsourced limestones, and white quartzite were also knapped. The beach pebble manuports also are exotic. For the most part, the artifacts lack evidence for wind or water erosion and display sharply defined flake scars and edges suggesting rapid burial, a condition also reflected by the associated burned features and microstratigraphic and sedimentological studies see Texts C-E in S1 File.
More than thirty small pieces of lithic debitage ranging from 0. As an assemblage, the later 14, cal BP MV-II stands apart from all of the rest in its diversity and its apparent result from a relatively longer interval of occupation. Among the as well as the previously reported MV-II stone artifacts, exotic materials suggest a high degree of long-distance mobility or exchange.
The manuports include discoid pebbles of quartz and quartzite not found in the Monte Verde area. Furthermore, there is no stratigraphic, taphonomic e. As noted earlier, the lithics in these deeper levels are directly associated with intact features and lay flat in the archaeological horizon.
This date agrees with radiocarbon assayed late Paijan points documented throughout the Andean region [ 44 ]. Also excavated from this same level was a drill fragment Fig 9.
A drill fragment is from the same level right side. In addition, three grinding stones were recovered from test pits at the MV-II site. With the exception of the possible manuport sling stones, most stone tools seem to have been used for scraping and cutting, as suggested by their morphology and by preliminary micro-usewear analysis see Text H in S1 File. Although the majority of materials are similar to previous findings at MV-I and MV-II, the technological diversity presented here likely represents the variable focus on shaping and knapping production, which may be indicative of the raw material economy.
This variation may represent adaptations that are the earliest precursors to the later production techniques recorded at the MV-II site. Our current material inventory for the older, deeper possible cultural MV-I levels is still very small now a total of 30 stones and 3 possible cultural features and includes forms such as unmodified and retouched flakes, other elongated flakes, two possible hammerstones, and unworked but possibly used manuports.
There still is no taphonomic evidence to explain the presence of these deeper materials e. The new findings do not improve the resolution of these older materials, and we remain inconclusive and skeptical about their cultural status [ 14 , 30 ].
However, the recent work confirms the discrete and dispersed nature of these materials in the older, deeper levels of stratum MV-7 at the MV-I site and the very remote possibility that people were in the area earlier than we have documented here.
Lastly, if the early archaeological horizons documented here were associated with transient peoples primarily utilizing unifacial stone tools, then the expedient pebble tool industry and the high percentage of exotic raw material make sense.
Pebble tool industries with a working edge are relatively common in early multi-purpose technologies throughout South America [ 5 , 45 , 46 ]. These industries are dominated by a range of shaped edge-trimmed flakes and edge-battered pebbles and cobblestones and are assumed to represent, primarily if not entirely, expedient technologies [ 5 , 7 , 14 , 16 , 23 , 28 , 45 , 46 ].
As noted earlier, not well understood in South America is the historical and technological relationship between early unifacial and bifacial assemblages and whether one preceded the other or whether they represent distinctive adaptations associated with different migrations into different environments.
At present, the stone tool assemblages from several early sites in South America generally indicate independent technological developments once people entered the continent [ 5 , 7 , 12 , 14 — 16 , 22 , 23 , 28 — 30 , 45 , 46 ], with antecedent knowledge probably derived from an older stone tool industry likely shared with contemporary North American culture. They do not contain clay-lined pits and burned rocks, yet they are directly associated with fragmented burned and unburned animal bones, knapped lithics, and varying amounts of primarily ash and secondarily charcoal.
No non-cultural or other burned or feature-like areas containing charcoal and ash were recovered from the numerous cores, trenches, and units excavated in sites. A part of one feature No. The origin and nature of this peculiar block of clay is not known. Four burned, one slightly scorched, and four unburned bone fragments 1—3.
The majority of the fragments are too small to identify the species, although they are possibly from ghompothere and paleocamelid, the two mammals previously recovered at MV-II and CH-I [ 47 ]. One small bone fragment is the head of a tibia, probably from a deer or small horse S5 Fig. Six of the nine bone fragments were recovered from five burned features that were associated directly with stone artifacts or located within a few centimeters at the same level Fig 5.
The fractured edges of two bones suggest possible flaking or crushing, but the pieces are too small to determine cause. None of the bones have cutmarks, trampling striations, or root scars. The direct association of economically useful plant remains see Text F in S1 File , worked lithics, and bone fragments with the features suggest human intervention.
An animal skin fragment was recovered from a peat ball at the interface between strata MV-7 and MV-8 at a depth of 2. This date agrees with a previous 14 C assay of 42, BP at the same level in a nearby excavation block [ 14 , 35 ]. No cultural materials were associated with the skin. All cultural features and selected sediment samples from various levels in stratum MV-I were subjected to flotation, resulting in the recovery of no identifiable macro-botanical remains except for the burned stems and wood charcoal reported here [ 14 ].
Pollen, starch grain, and phytolith studies were carried out on five samples submitted from two burned features and from three grinding stones from sites MV-I and MV-II, respectively.
These studies yielded evidence of probable food remains and the local environment during the time period under study.
It displayed a large quantity of Nothofagus pollen, indicating local growth of Southern Beech. Poaceae pollen frequency was elevated in this sample, suggesting processing and possibly parching grass seeds. Small quantities of Podocarpus , High-spine Asteraceae, Cirsium , Liguliflorae, Caltha -type, Cleome , Cyperaceae, Polygonaceae, Rosaceae, and Sphaeralcea pollen indicate that local vegetation also included these plants.
Liguliflorae, Caltha-type, Cyperaceae, and Polygonaceae pollen are indicators of wetland vegetation in the vicinity of the site. Only a few fern spores of two types were observed in this sample. The phytolith record confirms a grassy wetland environment. Sample 4 was collected from a burned feature Unit 57, No. This pollen signature was dominated by Liguliflorae pollen, suggesting an open weedy area with trees. Fern spores were observed, but were not particularly abundant.
The phytolith record presents a similar profile. Likewise, recovery of Rumex pollen from one grinding stone suggests processing an edible portion of the plant during this occupation. It also is possible that some of the stones represented were used to grind seeds and perhaps nuts from a variety of plant remains that included nuts from Gevuina and Lomatia and seeds from Cheno-ams, Cyperaceae, Polygonum , Rumex and Typha.
The two burned samples yielded small quantities of diatoms and the occasional spheraster and sponge spicule, which suggests that the sediments were not overly wet, perhaps indicating their use during the summer conditions sometime after 15, cal BP. The new horizons represent low-density, discontinuous cultural deposits that contain few cultural materials.
This suggests discrete, functionally similar, short-term anthropogenic activities most likely associated with hunting and gathering, heating food in small hearths, and producing and discarding expedient stone tools. If these scenarios are correct, then the settlement pattern in the Monte Verde area during this period was probably just one of several with small groups of people seasonally adapted to cold parkland and boreal environments, most likely during the warmer months.
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